Being a Uyghur . .
‘Xinjiang: China’s Muslim Borderland’ by S. Frederick Starr provided great insight to understanding the complexities that surround the Uyghur population in the region of Xinjiang. One can recognize that formation of any culture or identity does not occur in a vacuum but rather within a socio-political milieu. Similarly, the Uyghur identity developed itself in relation to the historical, cultural and geographic interactions with the PRC and other political forces surrounding it throughout history. Identity itself is a complex combination of local, regional and national interactions and cannot be perceived within an isolated infrastructure. Uyghur identity traces its history back to being a definitive name for people from a range of cultural backgrounds; Mangolian Turkic nomads, Buddhist Turkic people in Turpan. It was only a later conversion to Islam that Uyghur became a reference to Muslims. However, the present Uyghur identity arose even later on in time. Uyghur identity established itself as an ethnic group due to the creation of Chinese nation-state. With the establishment of China, ethnicity arose as people were organized into collective groups with shared characteristics. The Uyghur identity cannot be categorized under one unified group, due to their geographical and internal distinctiveness. For example, the Uyghur identity promotes a collective allegiance to an ethnic identity however the various Uyghur groups have their distinct allegiances to local clans and families.
Due to these complex systems that constitute an identity, there is a dynamic nature in their response to external and internal challenges. Uyghur Population has responded in a variety of ways to China’s efforts of integrating Xinjiang into its national framework. These responses can be categorized into three main themes. First, the Uyghur population has actively or passively adapted to the acculturation processes. Second, the Uyghurs responded to Chinese policies in a non-violent manner. This includes the use of education, literature and other means of communication to express the mistrust towards the government policies. Another response by the Uyghurs is in a violent form, actively demonstrating their resistance to Chinese policies. This violent approach is expressed in various forms such as militancy, Islamic fundamentalism, terrorist groups etc.
China’s national policies towards minorities have also been very dynamic in nature, and distinct within the changing ethnic contexts. China has used a combination of hard and soft policies to implement its national agenda in Xinjiang. Starr describes these policies as:
‘Soft policies towards Xinjiang foster regional autonomy and promote affirmative action policies in order to undermine ethnic resistance and sustain Chinese power there.’ ‘Hard policies are used to crush the various forms of resistance that surface during the period that soft policies are emphasized’
However, this combination of soft and hard policies has consequences as the Uyghur react to these changing modes. The changing policies by China from hard to soft to hard, in order to attain its national interests of integrating Xinjiang has led to an increased resistance by the Uyghurs to these processes of acculturation. However, there are also Uyghurs that accept the change and go along with the acculturation processes. One of the means used by China to progress its nationalistic agenda is through the use of Hui population as mediators. The Hui have a linguistic advantage of being bilingual and able to communicate with both the Uyghur and Han population. Through this communicative tool, they are able to express Chinese ideas to Uyghur population as well as maintain their identity as Chinese Muslims.
This video shows picturesof various Uyghur protests against China's policies:
Throughout this reading, I was able to understand the complexities that really constitute and ethnic identity. Even in that matter, if one can really recognize a collective group of people with distinct geographical and social allegiances, under one identity. One would believe that in order to deal with a dynamic state of things, the best way would be to adopt a dynamic set of policies. However, through the example of China’s combination of hard and soft policies it seems obvious that even that remains unsuccessful.
Reading on to ‘Dislocating China: Reflection on Muslims, Minorities and Other Subaltern Subjects’. I was able to develop another perspective to the situation in Xinjiang. Gladney proposes that Uyghurs have been used as a mean to reach China’s foreign policy objectives. He further argues that through the objectification of Uyghurs throughout the world, China is able to develop an image of unified Han identity, one that is part of the central Chinese infrastructure. He states that China has used a number of mechanisms to achieve these results. First, through the popularization of Uyghur political incidents such as Salman Rushdie and trans-Eurasian railways, China is able to present Uyghur in a transnational sphere. This transnationalization of their image has allowed the Chinese government to further their political interests at the stake of Uyghur ethnic stability. Second, Islamization is another process used by China to reach its nationalistic goals. Gladney discusses this as:
‘On the surface the state exploits its favorable policies towards Muslims, but in reality as a communist state it actively discourages Islamic practice’
Through this process, one can see the combination of hard and soft policies that were discussed by Starr.
Also, Gladney provides details of a new form of activism that has allowed the Uyghurs to represent themselves in a different light. The Uyghurs are only able to express their vision as distinct and resistant to exploitation through the use of internet.
Furthermore, Gladney discusses another aspect that has been integral in allowing China to implement its exploitative policies over the Uyghurs. Through the use of education, China is able to develop a central model of literature that represents its national goals to Uyghurs as being beneficial to them. Through education, China has been able to greatly influence the Uyghur identity.
In conclusion, one can recognize that the Uyghur identity as it exists today is largely based on its presence within the socio-political sphere and its interaction with the government.








